President Trump won the election on his promise to overthrow financial capitalism and restore productive capitalism. From this standpoint, he considers that war damages owed to Syria should not be paid by the United States, but by transnational corporations. Is this revolution in international relations desirable or even possible?
The Western Press continues to support the elite transnational financiers and to scorn the actions of President Trump. This attitude makes it difficult to understand the progress made towards peace in Syria. Thierry Meyssan looks at the agreements reached during the last five months and the rapid progress on the ground.
If we consider the war in Syria not as a singular event, but as the culmination of a world war which has persisted for a quarter of a century, we have to ask ourselves about the consequences of the imminent end of hostilities. Its completion marks the defeat of an ideology, that is to say globalisation and financial capitalism. The people who have not understood this, particularly in Western Europe, are defining their own exclusion from the rest of the world.
During the Cold War, the pro-US states experienced a bloody precedent of illegal, secret repression. While it is clear that this system has been progressively dismantled in Europe, it has never been interrupted in the « Greater Middle East » although it has been transformed. The behaviour of the Elysée in the context of the Benalla affair allows us to admit the possibility that this story is not yet over.
Is Vladimir Putin's Russia a Wild West where Power can strip a billionaire of his fortune, like in the days of Boris Yeltsin? Is Russia interfering with the United States electoral process? According to the US ruling class, these are questions which leave no room for doubt. And yet all it needed was for President Putin to propose that President Trump accept a mutual exchange of letters rogatory to see panic taking hold of Washington.
Contrary to mainstream thinking, the NATO summit did not set the United States against the other members of the Alliance, but President Trump against the intergovernmental senior administration. For Thierry Meyssan, the problem is not whether or not we appreciate the personality of the tenant of the White House, but whether we support him because he is the elected representative of his people, or if we prefer the system's bureaucrats.
Thierry Meyssan does not accept the story of the beginning of hostilities in Syria as presented by the Western and Gulf Press over the last seven years. He is therefore returning to these events to examine them in the light of certain elements which have become known since then. As in all science, political science moves closer to the truth by questioning its previous conclusions and integrating new observations into its reasoning.
After having observed Donald Trump's historical references (the constitutional compromise of 1789, the examples of Andrew Jackson and Richard Nixon) and the way in which his partisans perceive his politics, Thierry Meyssan here analyses his anti-imperialist actions. The US President is not interested in taking a step back, but on the contrary, abandoning the interests of the transnational ruling class in order to develop the US national economy.
We were wrong to believe that the US project for the Middle East was a peace plan for Palestine. Despite the communications from the White House, this is not what President Trump is seeking. He is approaching this question from a radically different angle than that of his predecessors – not attempting to render Justice between his vassals, as an emperor would, but to unblock the situation in order to improve the daily lives of the populations involved.
Throughout her voyage of the Levant, the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel (Angie), is presenting herself as a person with a good heart, who wants Germany to play its part to helping the Syrian refugees. But the people that she is speaking see her as a fallen angel, who is masking her true intentions which are to wage war against Syria.